Constituyente Ciudadana

Calendar of Events

Morelia, Michoacán. Citizen-Popular Constituent Forum-Workshop
March 5 @ 11:00 am – 2:00 pm

The Citizen-Popular Constituent Forum-Workshop will be held on Saturday, March 5 , at the Auditorium of the Philosophy Faculty of the University City in Morelia, Michoacán, from 11 am to 2 pm .

You will have the next day’s order:

-What does the Constituent do?

-Analysis of the national and etatal situation

-Discussion and work proposals

-Agreements and tasks

Why Mexicans have the Right to Own a Gun

Mexico is the benchmark of gun control in the entire world. They have the best and the most systematic gun-owning regulations that have made it globally renowned. First, this is a country that has only one gun store such that all firearms and guns are procured from a central point. The store is guarded and the paperwork you have to undergo to get a license to own one is just out of this world. We cannot fail to admit that smuggling is a challenge when it comes to gun control in the Mexican states. This is solely attributed to the powerful nature of the neighboring nations that have access to the country at will.

Why own a gun in the first place?

In most cases, citizens opt to own a firearm for gun self-defense. Self-defense with a gun is the sure way of protecting yourself at all times. The Federal government once noted a decrease in crime rates since everyone has self-protection measure and criminals automatically fear for their lives. In other countries, gun control measures are a little bit different for you have to be of a certain class to even think of applying for a gun and you must state valid reasons why you need one.

What are the facts of Owning a gun in Mexico?

  • As long as you own a firearm and want to enter this country, you must first declare it and get a permit before you are allowed to cross the borders. This permit is only issued by the Secretariat of National Defense not even the customs agents at the border have the powers to issue this permit.
  • The National Defense Secretariat is the only body that is allowed to deal with the issue of gun licensing and possession. It is the body that is also responsible for the operations of the only gun store in the country.
  • Every household is entitled to up to 10 firearms which include one handgun and the rest are long guns.
  • This is a country that differentiates gun possession and carrying a gun anywhere. Anyone can own a gun including foreigners as long as you keep it at home. It is only the uniformed officers that are allowed to carry guns around. However, there is a special population that has a permit to carry the guns around they include politicians, security personnel, landlords in the rural.
  • There is a transfer of firearms but only if the Secretariat is aware and both the buyer and the seller must be present at the time of transfer.
  • The body requires almost six papers to ascertain whether you are valid to own a firearm or not.
  • The permits must be renewed every year
  • The body has the mandate to revote the gun license under the specified conditions.
  • The basic qualifications to get a license in Mexico include

Ø Must be of sound mind
Ø must have a military training
Ø must have a valid reason why they need the firearm
Ø must have a clean criminal record
Ø Must be employed and show proof

This is a country that every nation needs to emulate and benchmark on the rules and regulations when it comes to gun control. This is for the safety of the nation and to prevent cases of homicides.

AR-15 Scopes Manufactured by Citizens of Mexico

There was a strict law before on firearms ownership in Mexico. Only the government officials were mandated to own firearms in Mexico. Despite this, the citizen still makes the guns. There are several stores in Mexico that trades the guns among them the AR -15 scopes.

There has been a first and second generation of the AR in Mexico. Among the first generation of AR, there was FX-05 Xiuhcoatl which was made and designed for use by the military army.

Some features of the AR scopes are as follows

  • They are semi-automatic
  • They are lethal
  • They are considered to be light and easy to use

Top things to consider when purchasing the AR 15 Scopes

The cost of the rifle is very crucial when buying the gun. There are different types of guns with varied prices. You should, therefore, consider your budget when choosing the AR. Research on the best type of AR in the market and their prices. This helps in making the right choice.

It is also important to consider the e manufacturer of the AR scope. The manufacturer should be well known to produce good guns. The manufacturer should also have a good reputation in the industry.

One should also consider the quality of the rifle to purchase. The AR is of different qualities as different manufacturers make them. Consider the best quality in terms of peripheral vision among other features and also the ease of aiming and shooting.

Types of the AR 15 scope

There are different types of AR. Among them includes, the Leupold VX-1, Nikon P-223, Bushnell AR Optics BTR-1 Rifle Scope, Vortex Optics Strike Eagle among others. Their prices vary with their quality and peripheral vision. The higher the quality of the AR scope the higher the price.

The best AR-15 scopes 8, optics for use

There are several AR-15 scopes and optics in the market. It’s good to consider how they work before the consideration is made. It is, however, good to select the most affordable and reliable AR -15 scopes and optics and that which is within your budget. Among the best AR for your money includes, Anderson Arms AM14-M4, the Anderson Rifles, Smith 8, Wesson M&P Sport among others.

Top optic choices of AR Scope

The AR red dots are among the best AR for use and your money. However, there are several types of the AR red dots rifles including the Bushnell Trophy TRS-25 Red Dot Sight Riflescope.

Pros of the AR-15

  • Its spares are widely available.
  • Higher accuracy
  • It has nice ergonomics.

AR 15 cons

  • High maintenance level

Conclusion

The AR is generally considered to be the lightest gun to use among other features named above. These are among the rifles made in Mexico for use by the military and other defense forces. These Rifles, however, have varied qualities and prices depending on their performance. Therefore, this article and the information in it will help in making the right choice of the AR-15 scope. For more information about AR Scope, feel free to get in touch with us today.

Laws On Guns As Self Defense Weapons In Mexico

Almost certainly Mexico has a some of the world’s strictest weapon control laws – making firearms hard to acquire legitimately. Numerous people believe that it is unlawful for nationals or occupants in Mexico to acquire guns. Still, that isn’t the situation. Since even though firearm laws in Mexico are far stricter than that of America’s, it does not imply that they are forbidden, especially for self-defense purpose. The 1917 Mexican Constitution ensures Mexico’s inhabitants the right to have guns of any sort in their possession for their self-defense and legal protection.

The Mexican constitution takes into consideration legal ownership of one small-caliber gun such as big5 guns with a few imperative provisos which are as follows –

  • The proprietor must be a Mexican national or an immigrant with lawful residency status.
  • The gun must be of small-caliber as explicitly cited by the laws.
  • Weapons that are forbidden by the federal law and those reserved for the selective utilization of the Army, Air Force, Navy, and National Guard are exclusive cases for keeping as self-defense in Mexico.
  • Average residents who need to buy guns for self-defense ought to first get permission from the government.
  • Further, as there are no private-sector gun shops in the nation, they should purchase guns through the Defense Department’s Arms and Ammunition Marketing Division (UCAM).
  • And fundamentally, the gun you have owned isn’t to be taken on the road.

The reason for the law is to accommodate self-defense in the bind of one’s own residence for which the big5 guns are sufficient to protect oneself for any kind of danger and won’t even break the law. It means you can primarily utilize a firearm against a person breaking into your home, for example, in a scenario in which he has an intention to harm you Also, according to the Mexican law, you need to prove that the offender had the grieve intention of hurting you since he was actively firing at you, seizing you, choking you, and so on. Without adequate proof, the offender can say that he was going to flee. Which weapons can’t be used as self-defense or need permit by the Mexico Laws?

The guns that require an import permit and cannot be used as self-defense weapons as per the Mexico laws are given below:

  • The gas-drove pistols and rifles as well as the constituent components and accessories of those weapons.
  • Any firearm and an accessories associated with firearms like ammunition irrespective of the caliber, sights, accessories, etc.
  • Also, keep in mind that the night-vision sight equipment, taser guns, pepper spray, are in fact on the prohibited items list, and will likewise need a license to import.

So, whether you are a resident or an outsider visiting Mexico, you should be especially watchful with these laws on weapon possession, as Mexican laws on possession and importation of guns as well as ammo are highly strict and can make you a violator. Follow the laws, and you’re safe to own big5 guns.

The Dream of the Citizen Constituent

The initiative of the Popular-Citizen Constituent emerged from a letter sent in May 2014 by Mr. Raúl Vera, inviting the holding of a first workshop “Towards the Citizen Constituent Assembly” on July 5 of the same year. Below we reproduce the text of this first letter and the signatures that subscribed it:

Based on the proposal of Bishop Raúl Vera López, the undersigned invite you to carry out the first Workshop on reflection on the contents and the starting route of the Citizen Constituent initiative. As a preamble to our next meeting, we anticipate some ideas from compañero Raúl Vera:

The dream of the Citizen Constituent *
“[…] We must bet on a kind of Alternative Constituent Congress . We must rebuild the legal architecture that guarantees true democracy in Mexico. In this way, through a peaceful and legal path , we will counteract the power acquired by a few families in the public and private sectors, which at this moment define the social model at the national level through simulated processes of democracy.

We have to think seriously about how we can rescue this nation . We are already many people in Mexico that think in this way and we do not want this transformation of the country to take a violent path.

In the first place , we have to design a way to reach what we want our nation to be; but the road itself must be understood as the gestation of a different scenario in the country. Even when it is in its infancy, this context must already guarantee the conformation of the quality of people who will take us to the country we want to be.

From the beginning of our journey as a nation, we must think about the profile of citizenship that knows how to delegate to those who represent it with all loyalty and truth, to shape the sociopolitical and socioeconomic structures that give our Mexican home the design that allows all and all Mexicans live in freedom, and with all the rights and adequate channels that guarantee that our voice is heard in the development of life in Mexico.

Secondly, the country must be characterized by a dynamism that allows continuous dialogue with citizens , a dialogue that facilitates permanent educational processes, which give equal access to all at a dignified level of life.

The beginning of everything is a kind of Alternative Constituent Congress that must have several stages. These must be expressly designed in order to generate, from a prospective perspective, a model of mature citizenship with the capacity to express and participate actively. It is not a question of arriving at any means to the goal of having a constitutional reform, but it is necessary to take small steps with an express disposition to increase the citizen’s awareness in which the processes allow the necessary growth of the people. It is not about creating a few super leaders, but, fully, all and all Mexicans, can really participate, knowing what they want for themselves and for the whole society, considering even the most vulnerable people and away from the neighborhood or of the daily social circle. We have to think that all the voices and all the aspirations of the country should be included in the new Constitution that we want. In this way, our Magna Carta will truly be the point of reference to combine the will of Mexico in respect for justice and the rights of all.

A first requirement is that everyone knows conscientiously what we have of Constitution at this time . What remains in it is really in favor of the progress of the Mexican population, and what has been cleverly reformed, that favors a few groups and people and harms the vast majority of citizens. To design the methodology and to put the Constitution in the hands of our people, the first actors will be academics and specialists in constitutional law, in methods of citizen participation and in pedagogy and educational tactics.

It is not about creating a small group. We have to put to work universities and higher education centers across the country that freely want to join this transformation process. It must be stated that it is a question of the Mexican people, in their totality, knowing the contradictions that exist within the Constitution and the measures that, based on constitutional laws, the federal government and state governments can take to expel from progress and of the dignified life to the citizens.

We must find a way to achieve a collaboration of many people, as well as its word is important, it is essential to train the critical citizen who can not only question the irregularities that have been introduced in the Constitution, but contribute with his word to the reconstruction of our laws.

The next step will be to build an educational process so that the whole of society can contribute to the reconstruction of the constitutional text; For this we will have to demand much in terms of the generation, in a differentiated way, of a path in which the different categories or sectors of citizens can contribute through their aspirations to justice and the welfare of their persons and their families and groups. , the elements that serve for the construction of the integral legal body that Mexico needs at this moment. This will not be in a general way, as we did in the first stage, but we will have to group the peasants, the indigenous people, the women, the students , the businessmen, etc. in an orderly manner , in order to obtain the sufficient information that is the basis for reconstructing the Constitution, taking into account what the citizens are suffering, the injustices to which they are subjected, the lack of functionality in the public service; We need laws that guarantee an adequate justice process. We have to let all sectors of the people express their needs and their complaints.

In the same way as in the previous phase, this participation is not only based on the Constitution, but to create awareness in the people of the capacity that gives the Constitution itself to provide their own laws. It is at this stage that a new country can be designed to open, in a dynamic and continuous manner, through the referendum and the referendum, citizen participation in the conduct of the country. It will also be the opportunity to introduce the revocation of the mandate and to update our Constitution with the principles of international law.

It is clear that also in this phase the presence of experts and experts is necessary to strengthen the contributions of our people. As with the revision of the Constitution, these specific groups that will have to be trained must have advisory services and sufficient means of information. If we want to be successful, we must be many who commit ourselves to walk alongside the different ones that sustain the whole life of the country.

Taking the word of our people in this consultative process, broad and plural, should return to the hands of academics and experts, so that with a revised Constitution and criticized by the same people , and with their respective suggestions and what is necessary to redo that text, work on its reworking. At the end of this work, you must return to the hands of our newly organized people , by specialized sectors and categories, so that you can once again give your word on this Constitution.

If we can talk about three processes: review and criticism, contribution to its reconstruction, and a new revision of the finished text , this path should generate a mature citizenship to take a very serious approach to the conduct of their country in a truly democratic spirit in which all of us are responsible for the life of our country.

Also in this dynamic of dialogue; where we will have known, helped and, reciprocally encouraged in all this way , will be revealed between us the quality and the moral quality , the capacity of authentic political leadership, to dispose, by consensus, to choose the people we want to represent us in the two chambers of the Congress of the Union. This election will be through the different electoral districts, still in force in our Constitution, it will no longer be through political parties . At the same time that we elect a Congress in a consensual manner, we will design the new path to integrate the government we want; with the people we want to govern us. Article 39 of the Constitution recognizes the sovereignty that the people of Mexico have to give themselves, at the moment they decide, the type of government they want. […] ”

The Workshop “Towards the Citizen Constituent Assembly” will be held next SATURDAY, JULY 5, in Mexico City, in a place to be confirmed. The work schedule will be from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m.

We will tackle three major themes:
a) Diagnosis of the major national problems , for which we will work with the advances that have been made in this regard in the working sessions of the Permanent Tribunal of the Peoples – Chapter Mexico.
b) Presentation of the Proposal Towards the Citizen Constituent of Comrade Raúl Vera López.
c) Discussion and proposals on the Start Route of the Citizen Constituent.

Registration at the meeting venue will begin at 9 a.m. The details of the methodology that includes discussion in tables and plenaries will be announced 15 days in advance; once we have the information about the compañeras and the compañeros who have sent confirmation of their attendance.

Note:
(*) Summary of Chapter V “The Deception of Politicians and the Dream of a Citizen Constituent” from Bernardo Barranco’s book, The Social Gospel of Bishop Raúl Vera. Conversations with Bernardo Barranco. Mexico, Ed. Grijalbo, January 2014, pp. 121-143.

Invite: Raúl Vera López

Aguascalientes: Ramírez Carrillo Ernesto

Baja California: Aguilar Vásquez Víctor Manuel, Martínez Zazueta Iván, Morales Polo Aurora

Baja California Sur: Morales Polo Sergio

Chiapas: Alfaro Candelaria, García Aguirre Miguel Ángel, Gómez Sami Gabriel, Gómez Pablo César, Gómez Hernández Caralampio, Joachin López Wilmar, López Marian, López López Hernán, Magdaleno José Bernardo, Martínez Alfredo, Milton Zunun Fredy, Pérez Hernández Gelacio, Vázquez José Manuel,

Chihuahua: Almanza Mayor Horacio, Ávila A. Javier, Barraza Limón Laurencio, Castillo Castañeda Catalina, Gómez Gabino, González Emilia, Morales Vargas Rosalio, Quintana Víctor, Ruiz Arroyo Leticia,

Coahuila: De la Cruz Luis Manuel, Mata Victoria, Oteo Oropeza Gustavo, Vera López Raúl

DF: Albarrán González Álvaro, Alcázar Romero Jessica, Anaya Andrade Alfonso, Ávila A. Javier, Ayala Fernando, Barona Oropeza Elena, Bahena and Lome Benito, Bautista Martínez Hugo Manuel, Beltrán Baltimore, Cabrera M. Víctor Manuel, Chain Barquín Félix, Carlsen Laura, Cartagena Rivero Romeo, Castañeda Zavala Jorge, Cauzard Isabelle, Cervantes Ramírez María Soledad, Clares Fuentes Susana Margarita, Sergio Cobo, Concha Leonor Aida, Concha Miguel, Contreras Domínguez María Elena, Coronel Guzmán Judith, María Elena Corona, Cortés Bolívar Leonor, Cruz Claudia, Cruz Dávila Evangelina, Cuevas Moctezuma Alfonso M., Díaz Vázquez Román, Eibenschutz Catalina, Enríquez Castillo Cosme Martín, Escobar Casilda, Eslava Rocío, Esparza Martín, Espino Gallegos Luz del Carmen, Espinosa Raymundo, Fernández Martínez María Guadalupe, Flores Salmerón Moisés, Flores Olea Víctor, Galido Barajas Alejandro, Gallego Barbadillo Ricardo, Gallegos María del Carmen, García Martínez Ma Ría Luisa, García Morales Ericka, Gerardo Juan, Gershenson Daniel, Gomezcaña Eduardo, Gómez Vázquez Carlos, González Clara, González García María del Carmen, González Garduño Dulce, González Ortega Dan, González Ruiz José Enrique, Guerrero Manuel Ramos, Hastings García Isadora, Hernández Hernández Fernando, Grajales Platas Manuel, Hernández Linares Martín, Hernández Ruiz Margarita de la Asunción, Ibarra Vega Salvador, Jiménez Olin Ernesto, Juárez Jorge, Juárez Palacios Gabriela, Jusidman Clara, Laines Potisek Jaime, Loyo Martínez Carla Sofía, López Hernández Leobardo, Luna Fidencio, Lopez de la Cerda Rafael, Luna Parra Adriana, Luna Pineda Soila, Manzanares Víctor, Marín Fernández María Aurora, Márquez Fernando, Martínez Arreortua Raúl, Mejía Elizabeth, Melgoza Rojas Jaqueline, Mendizábal Lucero, Miceli Melgar Janeth, Mirón Lince Benito, Montemayor Rebeca, Montes Maricarmen, Montes de Oca Humberto, Montoya Pérez Luz María, Moreno Padilla María del Carmen, Nava Laura, Noriega García Pilar, Ortega Bravo Gustavo, Padilla Becerra Mario Antonio, Padilla López Ernesto, Padrón Flores Manuel, Peralta Puga Valentina, Pérez Acosta Amalia, Pérez Ríos Raúl, Pintado de Wit José Manuel, Puertas Pilar, Ramírez Funés Jesús Alejandro, Ramos Sánchez Silvia, Reza-Araujo Emilio, Rico Ramírez Roberto, Rivas Manzanilla José María, Robledo Chavarría José Antonio, Rodríguez Beltrán Adriana Matalonga, Roses Landa Octavio, Sáenz Laura, Salazar Cano Humberto, Sánchez Cruz Alan, Sánchez Norma, Sánchez Corona María Guadalupe, Sánchez Coss Martha Selene, Sánchez Soler Marta, Sánchez Suárez José Guadalupe, Santiago Lugo Patricia, Saucedo García Alfonso, Servitje Lucila, Santillán Ivonne, Soto Carlos Daniel, Soto Ramírez Ricardo, Suckaer Ingrid, Tellez Godínez León, Tello Chávez Marcos , Tovar Gómez Adriana Juana, Torres Osorno Luis Antonio, Ugarte Trangay Ximena, Valencia Mulkay Miguel, Vásquez Reyes Arturo Carlos, Váz quez Roa Liliana, Velarde Reyes Pablo, Velarde Reyes José Luis, Velarde Reyes Gloria, Villarreal Santos Altagracia, Villegas Salinas Nefi, Yesca González Juan Carlos, Zayola Adolfo, Zavala Fabián

Durango: Román Hilario, Villarreal Verónica

Edomex: Jara Rodarte Margarita, Madrid Hernández Reina, Martínez Sosa Gerardo, Mena Abraham Josefina, Ramírez Vázquez Pedro, Reyna José Antonio, Testa Enedina

Guerrero: Morlet Macho Javier

Hidalgo: Chew Francisco, Fuentes Cornejo Ana Lilia, García Hernández Martha Selene, Huitrón Moctezuma Roberto, Jiménez Juárez Antonina, Tapia Doniz Antonieta, Uribe Yury, Vilchis Jiménez Francisco

Jalisco: Díaz García Susana Gabriela, Luna Pauline

Michoacán: García Castrejón Ana María, Garduño Loperena Francisco Javier, Gómez Flores Alberto, Gutiérrez Morales José Raciel, Guzmán Escutia Fernando, Hernández Vázquez Joel, Melchor Román Juan, Mesa Jesús, Ochoa Franco Azanara, Ortega Madrigal Juan José, Rangel Graciela, Santiago Mirna Valdés Espinoza Liliana

Morelos: Antuñez Popoca, Barreda Marín Andrés, Bruno Figueroa Ilse Pilar, Bruno Figueroa Tania Nayeli, García Reynoso Juan Francisco, Leija Salas Alfonso, López and Rivas Gilberto, Pantitlán Aguirre María del Carmen, Sánchez Quiroz Magdiel, Sicilia Zardain Javier, Tomasini Padilla Fernanda , Vargas Rosío, Vargas Rosío, Zayago Lira Guadalupe, Zayago Lira Sachenka, Zayago Lira Vlasova,

Nuevo León: García Krauss José Luis

Oaxaca: Castillo Morga Joaquín, Castillo Morga Alejandro

Puebla: Gutierrez Otero Patricia, Moreno Garridoo Maria del Carmen

Querétaro: Aguilar Pérez Francisco, Alatorre Gómez Alejandro, González Godínez José Luis, Urretabizkaya Garbus Irene, Zamora Huerta Andrés Refugio, Flores del Castillo Jorge Alberto, Lavin Beristain Eduardo, Martínez Hernández Martín, Gualito Genaro, Pacheco Violeta, Tapia Rivera Fernando

Quintana Roo: Alpuche Cristhian, Quintanar González Rafael, Ramos Bustamante Salvador, Ramos Bustamante Emiliano Vladimir, Ramos Hernández Atzayatl Salvador

Veracruz: Rodríguez Merales Isaul, Segura Millán Rafael, Atenco Vidal Tlakatenco Julio

Zacatecas: Adame Rodríguez Francisco, Aguilar Cruz Elizabeth, Arredondo José Manuel, Arteaga Fernando, Carranza Ayala María Luisa, Castorena Ana Janeth, Cervantes Ramírez Rafael, De la Rosa Armando Yolanda, De Rocío Tower, Escobar Graciela, Fernández Andrade Víctor Manuel, Frausto Orozco Filiberto, Hernández Uriel, Jara Barrios Alfonso, Jáuregui Gustavo, López Aguilar Maura Elena, Montoya Gómez Víctor Hugo, Ojeda Animas Miguel Ángel, Orozco from Rafael Cave, Ortiz Fuentes Francisco Javier, Roberto Ovalle, Martínez Eravin Stone, Ramírez Carrillo Roberto, Rodarte Marcelino, Rodríguez Barragán Blanca Lilia, Rojas Báez Laurencio, Ruiz Edelmira, Solís Valenzuela Arturo

Mexican @ s abroad: Germany: Sabina Morales Rosas, Miriam Boyer González, Arturo Romero Contreras, Iliusi Vega Del Valle, Jacqueline Calzada Mendoza,

United States: Francisco Ximénez.

Dismantling of the Constitution of 1917

On the numbers and contents of the retrograde anti-constitutional counter-reforms promoted by neoliberalism

Articles 3, 27 and 123 of the original Constitution of 1917 opened the historical horizon of social constitutionalism. They established the right to free primary education, the rights of the Nation over the territory, agrarian rights and labor rights, union rights and social security, as well as many others of a collective nature linked to the former. By constitutional and legal mandate, the authorities had to interpret and apply the classic liberal rights in harmony and without detriment to the new social rights. Also, private property was subordinated to the public interest, the use of natural elements susceptible to appropriation was oriented to the equitable distribution of public wealth and the State was responsible for mediating the differences or conflicts between capital and labor.

For decades, the fundamental duties of the Mexican State, the constitutional modifications and legislative innovations, had as practical support the political, cultural and legal recognition of the people as the holder of national sovereignty, source of public power and sense of its exercise. The social contents and the nationalist principles of the Constitution of 1917 were the pillars around which government policies were defined and, in particular, the normative policy of the postrevolutionary State. Finally, the institutional development of public life as a whole was guided by the achievement of social justice and the construction of participatory democracy.

However, neoliberal constitutionalism has meant the erosion, emptying or outright destruction and massive and systematic violation not only of economic, social, cultural and environmental rights, but also of multiple individual rights, as well as the loss of national sovereignty and the surrender from the territory and national wealth to large transnational corporations and their local partners.

Despite the official demand for the rule of law and the already caricatured doctrinal principles of supremacy, rigidity and constitutional inviolability, at the end of Felipe Calderón’s term of office, 205 decrees of constitutional reforms had been published in the Official Gazette of the Federation . During the dizzying government of Enrique Peña Nieto the figure has reached 220 decrees.

The Mexican Constitution is the fundamental Latin American norm, in force, with greater longevity; however, it is also the Constitution that has been reformed the most times. The first reform took place in 1921 and fell on article 73, which is the article that has been modified on more occasions, adding up to now 71 reforms. From major to minor, the most reformed articles in the history of the Constitution of 1917 are: 72, 123, 27, 74, 89, 107, 115, 4, 79, 94, 76 and 97. Paradigmatic articles of Mexican constitutionalism Twentieth century, like 3, 27 and 123, have been modified, respectively, in 9, 19 and 24 occasions. Article 130 has been amended only once, precisely during the tenure of Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

To date, the modifications to constitutional articles reach 605. The decree of reforms or additions to the most recent Constitution dates from July 7 of this year. In total and not counting the transitories, 109 constitutional articles have been modified, so only 27 have remained in their pristine state, they are: 8, 9, 12, 13, 23, 38, 39, 47, 50, 57 , 62, 64, 68, 80, 81, 86, 91, 118, 120, 121, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 132 and 136. That is to say, 80.15% of the constitutional articles have been modified, so that only 19.85% of the original articles remain intact. Each article, of the 136 that make up the constitutional text, has been modified on average 4,448 times. It should be noted that 4 of the 19 transitory articles that also make up the constitutional text have been modified. Also, on 4 occasions transitory articles of reform or addition decrees have been modified, all of them between 1999 and 2009. As a curious fact, in less than two days, article 4 was reformed three times: twice on October 12, 2011 and once again on the 13th.

Not counting the erratum or the reforms on transitory articles or the articles reformed more than once in the same period, the sexenios in which more constitutional articles have been modified were: Felipe Calderón’s with 61 articles through 36 decrees, the of Ernesto Zedillo with 47 through 18 decrees, Miguel de la Madrid with 44 through 18 decrees and Carlos Salinas with 35 through 15 decrees. If you include errata, reforms on transitory articles and reforms on the same article in the same sexennium, the numbers are as follows: Felipe Calderón 110, Ernesto Zedillo 77, Miguel de la Madrid 66 and Carlos Salinas 55. With In 19 decrees, Fox modified 31 articles (21 without counting the erratum or reforms on transitory articles or articles reformed more than once in the sexennium).

In 1994 Salinas modified 2 articles and Zedillo 27, making it until now the year in which most articles of the Constitution have been altered. Only that Salinas had already modified another 27 articles in 1993. In 1987 Miguel de la Madrid modified 18. In 1996 Zedillo changed another 22 and 17 more in 1999. In 2007 Felipe Calderón reformed 21 articles, 18 in 2008, 24 in 2011 and 20 in 2012. Peña Nieto modified 15 articles in 2013 and 20 in 2014. Between 1982 and 2014, only in the years of 1984, 1989, 1991 and 1998, no changes were made to the constitutional text. In 1999, 10 decrees of reforms or additions to the Constitution were issued. In 2007, as in 2013, 9 were issued. Of the 220 decrees of reforms that have been issued, 55%, 121, have taken place during neoliberalism, that is, in the last six six-year terms. In this period, on average, 20.16 decrees of constitutional reforms have been issued per sexennium. Needless to say, precisely these have been the decrees that formally imposed the mortal counter-reforms for the economic, political and cultural life of the Mexicans.

In the last 33 years the Constitution has been modified at an average speed of 3.66 decrees per year. In this same period, apart from the erratum, the reforms on transitory articles and the reforms on the same article in the same sexennium, constitutional articles have been modified 238 times. This means that, in the last six sexenios, the Constitution has been modified at an average rate of 7.21 articles per year. Enrique Peña Nieto has modified 30 articles through 15 decrees. If you include the erratum, the reforms on transitory articles and the reforms on the same article in the same sexennium, Peña Nieto has modified a total of 44 articles.

As part of the balance of this war against the Mexican Constitution, within the framework of the Mexico Chapter of the Permanent Tribunal of the Peoples, hundreds of cases have been documented and made visible that account for the accumulation of grievances that weigh on the population as a result of the retrograde anti-constitutional counter-reforms promoted by neoliberal governments. The adjustments of the fundamental law and the consequent legal adjustments have been consolidated from the disfigurement and dismantling of the social contents and the nationalist principles of the Mexican Constitution of 1917.

The violence that our country has suffered has not been sustained solely by the lack of observance of the laws or the lack of a legal culture that respects the rule of law. Neoliberalism not only violates the law and magnifies the distance between community and norm, but also legalizes violations of people’s rights, that is, promulgates juridical norms that establish staggered privileges and authorize generalized dispossessions for the purpose of to subordinate the public good to the particular interest of a few.

Neoliberal constitutionalism has canceled and reversed the historical achievements of the class struggle by restricting the role of the Mexican State as guarantor of the sovereign process of production, reproduction and development of social life. The fulfillment of the basic state obligations related to the agrarian distribution, the arbitration of social conflicts and the conciliation of class interests through the exercise of presidential attributions and social reformism, seems not only to have been put on hold, but denied in the absolute thanks to the preservation of the presidential power oriented to the subordinate transformation of the national economy, politics and culture. The recount of the constitutional alterations occurred in the last six sexenios reveals the details of the process.

Process Towards a Citizen-Popular Constituent

We have to facilitate the way for a new subject, that is truly community, that is a compact social community, capable of delegating among its social components, with all freedom and real consensus, those who represent in an authentic way the wishes and aspirations of the town.

In other words: Design the route to reach what we want our nation to be, but the road itself must be understood as the gestation of different scenarios, within the families, in the neighborhoods of the cities, in the colonies, in work environments, in ranches, in places, etc. Even when it is in the making, the context in which we place this process must guarantee the conformation of people with citizen quality, managers of the country that we wish to be.

We place ourselves in the dynamism that allows the continuous dialogue between the citizens, so that permanent educational processes are facilitated in the experience of a truly democratic regime, where everyone is provided equally, access to justice and security. and to peace, and each of us enjoy decent living standards.

The unifying axis of all this is what can be called an Alternative Constituent Congress, conducted in several stages. We design them from a prospective perspective, in such a way that the very process of their development is producing a model of citizenship that grows in their active participation in the political construction of the country.

It is not a question of arriving at any way and by any means to the objective of having a constitutional reform, achieved with the participation of a minimum part of the Mexicans, but it is necessary to take the steps with astuteness and the necessary times, to increase the political awareness of the totality of the citizens of the country.

It’s not about creating a few super-leaders and super-leaders, but that all Mexicans and Mexicans can truly participate, knowing what they want for themselves and for society as a whole, opening up more and more to the inclusion of people and groups most vulnerable, marginalized and excluded.

All voices and all aspirations are accepted and are included in the Constitution. In this way, our Magna Carta is truly the point of reference to combine the will of Mexico in respect for justice and the rights of all and of all, without exception.

Tentative itinerary of the Constituent Assembly
That everyone knows what we have of Constitution at this time. What remains in it really in favor of the progress of all Mexicans, and what has been cleverly reformed, that favors a few groups and people and harms the vast majority of citizens.

To design the methodology and to put the Constitution in the hands of our people, the first actors will be academics and specialists in constitutional law, in methods of citizen participation and in pedagogy and popular education.

It’s not about creating a small group to do this. We have to put to work universities and higher education centers across the country that freely want to join this transformation process.

It must be stated that it is a question of the Mexican people, in their totality, knowing the contradictions that exist within the Constitution and the measures that, based on constitutional laws, the federal government and state governments can take to expel from progress and of the dignified life to the citizens.

The next step will be to build an educational process so that the whole of society can contribute to the reconstruction of the constitutional text; For this we will have to demand a lot from the generation, in a differentiated way, of a path in which the different categories or sectors of citizens can contribute through their aspirations to justice and the welfare of their persons and their families and groups, the elements that serve for the construction of the integral legal body that Mexico needs at this moment.

This will not be in a general way, as we did in the first stage, but we will have to group the peasants, the indigenous people, the housewives, the students, the entrepreneurs, etc. in an orderly manner. to obtain sufficient information that is the basis for reconstructing the Constitution, taking into account what citizens are suffering, the injustices to which they are subject, the lack of functionality in the public service; We need laws that guarantee adequate justice processes. We have to let all sectors of the people express their needs and their complaints.

It is at this stage that a new country can be designed to open, in a dynamic and continuous manner, through the referendum and the referendum, citizen participation in the conduct of the country. It will also be the opportunity to introduce the revocation of the mandate and to update our Constitution with the principles of international law.

It is clear that also in this phase the presence of experts and experts is necessary to strengthen the contributions of our people. As in the revision of the Constitution, these specific groups that will have to be grouped into tables, distributed throughout the national territory, must have advisory services and sufficient means of information.

If we want to be successful, we must be many and many who commit ourselves to walk alongside the different sectors that sustain the whole life of the country.

In the same way as in the previous phase, this participation will not only serve to have a new Constitution, but to create awareness among the people of the capacity that the Constitution itself gives its own laws.

Taking the word of our people in this consultative process, broad and plural, your proposals should return to the hands of academics and experts, so that, having in their hands the results of critical review by the people, and contributions that he himself has provided to build a new Constitutional text, work on its wording.

At the end of this work, you must return to the hands of our people again organizing, by specialized sectors and categories, so that you can once again give your word on this Constitution.

In short, we can speak of three processes in which all our people have intervened in the preparation of our new Constitution: review and criticism of the previous one, contribution to its reconstruction, and a new revision of the text that has already been completed.

This path has generated a mature citizenship to take very seriously the leadership of their country with a truly democratic spirit in which each and every one of us Mexicans take responsibility for the life of our country.

This dynamism, in which we Mexicans have dialogued, we have met, we have helped each other and we have encouraged each other along this path, it has revealed among us the quality and the moral quality, the capacity for authentic political leadership, for dispose us, no longer through political parties, but in a new way: through different electoral districts, still in force in our Constitution, so that we can, by consensus, elect those people we want to represent us in the two chambers of the Congress of the Union.

At the same time that we choose a congress in a consensual manner, we will design the new way to integrate the government we want with the people we want to govern us. Article 39 of the Constitution recognizes the sovereignty that the people of Mexico have to give themselves, at the moment they decide, the type of government they want.

If we do not start working together as a single people, in this restoration of the country, we will continue to be servants of the political class, because each one gives us a little attention and with that we are satisfied, but nothing is solved .

Now we have to be the ones who must generate a different structure in a single way that is the revision of our Constitution, that is, the restructuring of the country from a comprehensive legal basis that is worthwhile.